Armenians constitute a small section of Lebanon’s significant Christian population. They are represented in the Lebanese political system through three political parties: the Tashnak Party, the Hunchak Party, and the Ramgavar Party.[1] Many Armenians have gained prominent economic positions.[2]
Demography
Armenians have been present in the region for centuries, but their numbers drastically increased due to an influx of refugees fleeing the ravages of the Armenian Genocide, which began in 1915 in Ottoman Turkey.
In 2007, Armenians made up 4 percent of Lebanon’s 4 million people, placing their numbers at approximately 160,000. Lebanon is not dominated by any one religion. In 2007, the country was 59.7 percent Muslim, 39 percent Christian, and 1.3 percent other minority religions.[3]
Geographic Distribution
Lebanese Armenians tend to live in urban centers. A large proportion of the Armenian population lives in Beirut, and also Anjar.[4]
Historic Hardship
Armenians have been present throughout the Middle East for centuries, meaning that they are generally well-established and recognized. Lebanon is no different from its neighbors in this respect. In fact, it has a considerably larger Christian population than many other countries in the region.
There have, over the centuries, been significant religious clashes between various Christian and Muslim groups, and these ongoing tensions were central to the Lebanese civil war.[5]
The “National Pact” of 1943 stipulated that the president, prime minister, and speaker of parliament be Maronite Christian, Sunni Muslim, and Shi’a Muslim, respectively. The 1989 Ta’if Agreement, which ended the civil war, reaffirmed this arrangement, but increased Muslim representation in Parliament so that it would be equal to that of the Christian community. This “confessional” system, where power must be divided between groups, is seen by the majority of citizens to be crucial to the country’s stability.[6]
Lebanon recognizes and has condemned the Armenian Genocide, and has several memorials throughout the country.[7]
Ongoing Hardship
Article nine of the Lebanese constitution asserts that “there shall be absolute freedom of conscience.” It provides for “the free exercise of all religious rites provided that public order is not disturbed.”[8]
It also stipulates that Christians and Muslims be represented equally in Parliament, the Cabinet and high-level civil service positions. These posts have to be distributed proportionally among the recognized religious groups, with the aim of creating a constitutional impediment to dominance by any particular group.[9]
The Armenians, therefore, do not face significant hardship in Lebanon from an institutional standpoint. However, both Armenians and the population as a whole may suffer indirectly from the fact that that Lebanon does impose some restrictions on religious freedom.
As in many other countries in the region, formal recognition by the government is a legal requirement for religious groups to conduct most activities. Recognition also brings other benefits, such as tax-exempt status and the right to apply the religion’s codes to personal status matters. Atheists and those who are members of unrecognized groups – such as Baha’is, Buddhists, Hindus and unregistered Protestant groups – do not qualify for certain government positions, may not marry, divorce or inherit property in the country, and they miss out on the tax benefits that come with recognition, but they may practice their religious rites freely.[10]
The structured nature of the political system presents further barriers to complete religious freedom. The 1989 Ta’if Agreement called for the eventual elimination of political sectarianism in favor of “expertise and competence,” however little progress has been made in this regard.
Article 473 of the Penal Code stipulates a maximum prison term of one year for anyone convicted of “blaspheming God publicly.” However, there have not been any prosecutions under this law during recent years.[11]
These restrictions do not directly cause hardship to Armenians, but in that they reduce general religious freedom they have the potential to indirectly harm the nation as a whole.
